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鸠山由纪夫:《日本的新道路》

鸠山由纪夫:《日本的新道路》

鸠山由纪夫

在8月30日举行的日本众议院大选中,日本最大在野党民主党击败执政长达半个世纪的自民党,获胜后的民主党党代表鸠山由纪夫在31日凌晨宣读大选胜利的宣言时,热情地宣称此次大选在日本宪政史上首次实现了“政权更迭”,30日这一天已“成为历史性的一天”。美国《纽约时报》8月27日刊登他的一篇题为《日本的新道路》的文章,中文要点见内,附英文原文及鸠山简介,包括鸠山家族自北洋海军起与中国打的交道等等。
我们不能忘记自己的身份:我们是个位于亚洲的国家。我认为,正在日益显现活力的东亚地区必须被确认为日本的基本生存范围。所以,我们必须持续建立覆盖整个地区且稳定的经济合作和安全框架。

很多人从金融危机中认识到,美国单边主义的时代也许会终结。金融危机也使人们对于美元作为关键全球性货币的永久性地位产生了怀疑。

我还认为,由于伊拉克战争的失败和金融危机的发生,美国主导的全球主义的时代正走向终结,我们正迈向一个多极化的时代。

当前的事态明确表明,中国将成为世界上主要的经济体之一。在不太遥远的未来,中国经济的规模将超过日本。

日本夹在美国和中国之间。在这种情况下,日本应如何保持自己的政治和经济独立并保护自己的国家利益呢?


这个问题不仅日本关注,而且亚洲的中小国家也关注。它们希望美国的军事力量有效地发挥作用,以维护该地区的稳定,但是也希望约束美国在政治和经济方面的过分行为。

现在,不管怎样,超国家的马克思主义和全球主义政治经济哲学的发展已经陷入停滞状态。与此同时,民族主义却再次开始对各种国家产生重大影响。

在我们设法建立国际合作的新架构之际,我们必须克服民族主义过度的问题,走以规则为基础的经济合作和安全之路。

与欧洲的情况不同,这个地区的国家大小、发展阶段和政治制度各异,因此经济一体化无法在短期内实现。然而,我们应该有迈向区域性货币一体化的追求,使区域性货币一体化作为快速经济增长的自然延伸(快速经济增长始于日本,韩国、台湾和香港紧随其后,后来又在东盟和中国得以实现)。我们必须不遗余力地建立对巩固货币一体化至关重要的永久性安全框架。

建立亚洲共同货币可能需要10年以上的时间。这样一种单一货币带来政治一体化所需的时间无疑会更长。

东盟、日本、中国(包括香港)、韩国和台湾的国内生产总值目前占世界的1/4。东亚地区的经济实力和该地区内部相互依赖的关系不断扩大和深化。因此,成立区域性经济集团所需要的架构已经存在。

另一方面,由于各国的安全利益互相冲突以及存在历史和文化冲突,我们必须认识到,目前存在诸多难以解决的政治问题。军事化增强的问题和领土争端无法通过类似日本和韩国之间或日本和中国之间的双边谈判得到解决。双方对这些问题讨论得越多,情绪被激发、民族主义加剧的风险也就越大。

所以我认为,只有迈向程度更大的一体化,阻碍地区一体化的问题才能真正得到解决。欧盟的经历告诉我们,地区一体化能够化解领土争端。

我认为,地区一体化和集体安全是我们在实现日本宪法主张的和平主义和多边合作原则方面应该遵循的道路。这也是为保护日本的政治和经济独立、在身处美中之间的情况下追求我们利益应该遵循的适当道路。(编辑:陶志彭)

A New Path for Japan

By YUKIO HATOYAMA
Published: August 26, 2009

TOKYO — In the post-Cold War period, Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement that is more usually called globalization. In the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism people are treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently, human dignity is lost.

How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism, that are void of morals or moderation, in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing.

In these times, we must return to the idea of fraternity — as in the French slogan “liberté, égalité, fraternité” — as a force for moderating the danger inherent within freedom.

Fraternity as I mean it can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.

The recent economic crisis resulted from a way of thinking based on the idea that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order, and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their economies in line with global (or rather American) standards.

In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend toward globalization should go. Some advocated the active embrace of globalism and leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that efforts should be made to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006), the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed the former, while we in the Democratic Party of Japan have tended toward the latter position.

The economic order in any country is built up over long years and reflects the influence of traditions, habits and national lifestyles. But globalism has progressed without any regard for non-economic values, or for environmental issues or problems of resource restriction.

If we look back on the changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and destroyed local communities.

In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses. But in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain his family’s livelihood.

Under the principle of fraternity, we would not implement policies that leave areas relating to human lives and safety — such as agriculture, the environment and medicine — to the mercy of globalism.

Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child-rearing support, and that address wealth disparities.

Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy.

But at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality, must be recognized as Japan’s basic sphere of being. So we must continue to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and security across the region.

The financial crisis has suggested to many that the era of U.S. unilateralism may come to an end. It has also raised doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency.

I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving toward an era of multipolarity. But at present no one country is ready to replace the United States as the dominant country. Nor is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world’s key currency. Although the influence of the U.S. is declining, it will remain the world’s leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades.

Current developments show clearly that China will become one of the world’s leading economic nations while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China’s economy will surpass that of Japan in the not-too-distant future.

How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world’s dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant?

This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the U.S. to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China’s expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. These are major factors accelerating regional integration.

Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse, stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence in various countries.

As we seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism and go down a path toward rule-based economic cooperation and security.

Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in size, development stage and political system, so economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, we should nonetheless aspire to move toward regional currency integration as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. We must spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.

Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still.

ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world’s gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place.

On the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea, or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that emotions become inflamed and nationalism intensified.

Therefore, I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. The experience of the E.U. shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.

I believe that regional integration and collective security is the path we should follow toward realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution. It is also the appropriate path for protecting Japan’s political and economic independence and pursuing our interests in our position between the United States and China.

Let me conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the first popular movement for a united Europe, written 85 years ago in “Pan-Europa” (my grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, translated his book, “The Totalitarian State Against Man,” into Japanese): “All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or becomes a reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.”


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鸠山由纪夫简介:

民主党在30日举行的日本国会众议院选举中一举夺得480个议席中的308席,将成为日本新的执政党,鸠山将成为新一任首相。鸠山由纪夫称这次大选是以自民党为首的执政党和以民主党为首的在野党正面对峙并以“政权更迭”作为赌注的政党选举。他表示,要为创造一个让所有国民为自己生活在日本感到幸运的国家而拼命努力。

鸠山由纪夫,英文名:Hatoyama Yukio,日本民主党现任党代表(党首)。1947年2月11日出生于日本东京的一个政治世家,1969年毕业于东京大学工程学系,1976年在美国斯坦福大学获得工程学博士学位,曾在大学任教。鸠山由纪夫可谓家世显赫,祖父是日本前首相鸠山一郎,1955年,鸠山一郎以结合保守派对抗社会主义力量,与盟友创立了自民党,并成为自民党第一任总裁。外祖父石桥正二郎是著名企业普利司通的创始人,父亲鸠山威一郎曾任外务大臣。

鸠山由纪夫早年加入日本执政党自民党。1986年,首次当选国会众议院议员;2003年,他第六次出任国会众议员。

1993年6月,日本政坛出现严重危机,鸠山由纪夫退出自民党。1996年9月,加入当时成立不久的日本民主党,1998年4月,民主党与其他3个在野政党合并后,鸠山由纪夫出任干事长代理。此后,他于1999年至2002年间曾一度担任民主党代表的职务,2005年9月起任民主党干事长。

2009年5月11日,民主党代表小泽一郎因其首席秘书涉嫌违反《政治资金规正法》,迫于压力辞职。5月16日,民主党举行党代表(即党首)选举,现任干事长鸠山由纪夫击败副代表冈田克也当选新一任党代表。

2009年7月21日,日本内阁通过了解散众议院的决定,正式决定于8月18日发布众议院选举公告,并于8月30日投票选出新一届众议院。以鸠山由纪夫为党首的民主党以“变革”为口号,誓言打破官僚主导的政治,实现政权更替。在此次大选中民主党取得压倒性胜利而上台执政,以鸠山由纪夫担任首相的新政权将诞生。

鸠山由纪夫以其在安全及外交事务方面的政见著称,强调日本军事自卫的权利,同时批判日本现行外交政策过于依附美国等西方盟国。在民主党建设方面,鸠山由纪夫表示将致力于构筑全党一致的体制和实现政权更迭。主张加强与亚洲国家的关系。

在靖国神社问题上,鸠山表示,如果执政,首相不会去参拜靖国神社,并会要求阁僚在这一问题上自我约束。他还主张另建国家追悼设施。

2002年,鸠山由纪夫辞去民主党代表的时候,就表示,既然选择了从政之路,成为首相当然是最终的目标。7年之后,鸠山由纪夫终于梦想成真。

鸠山由纪夫与中国颇有渊源,他1976年到美国求学时认识了妻子鸠山幸,而鸠山幸的出生地则是中国上海。鸠山由纪夫两次出任民主党党首,每次出任党首首次出访的都是中国,鸠山由纪夫自己解释:“这是因为我们非常重视日中关系。日中两国有2000多年的交往历史,绝大部分时间是友好的。但在二十世纪,日本曾对中国发动侵略战争,给中国人民带来难以承受的苦难和牺牲。日本对此应作深刻反省。要有勇气正视这段历史和事实。”

难能可贵的是,作为一个政治家,2006年,鸠山由纪夫曾要求时任首相的小纯一郎在靖国神社问题上能自制。

鸠山由纪夫的座右铭是“友爱”,他继承了祖父的政治理念,提出“政治就是爱”。日本坊间认为,鸠山由纪夫尽管出身名门,但并没有公子哥儿的架子。他性格稳健,不露锋芒,是一个很会忍的政治家。同时鸠山由纪夫也是日本政坛上一位非常有见地的政治明星,由于他思维跳跃、常发表一些被认为是“古怪”的言论,大家私下里还送给他一个外号叫“外星人”。

《Voice》杂志刊登了他的一篇文章。他强调:友爱是引导日本的国家目标,也针对创立东亚共同体架构提出了以下观点:日本夹在中美两大国之间,必须考虑如何维持日本的利益。各国应当克服过度的国家主义思维,在经济以及安全问题上开创继续前进的道路。在东亚建立一持久的安全框架,设立共同货币。

《朝日新闻》一篇报道批评了他的《日本的新道路》,称鸠山由纪夫批评美国主导的世界市场经济体制,或将引发美国的不满。


鸠山家族不但代代身份“显赫”,而且四代人都和中国有很深的渊源。

鸠山和夫:1886年8月,中国北洋舰队访问长崎,中国水兵与日本警民发生冲突,导致双方多人死伤,鸠山和夫负责调停。任众议院议长期间,他采取相对开明的教育方针,积极吸纳中国留学生。

鸠山一郎:张学良曾与日本政友会实权人物床次竹二郎达成秘密协议,承诺资助其竞选首相,而政友会则承诺“掌权后,逐步放缓并最终结束日本对东北的侵略进程”。从资料看,在这一秘密交易期间,鸠山一郎正担任该党的总务部长,是其中的关键人物。不过,张学良的计划因床次竹二郎竞选失败而失效。后来,鸠山一郎出任首相,促成了发展中日民间贸易的协议。其妻子鸠山熏子曾任中日民间交流平台——日本友爱青年协会会长,其岳父寺田荣曾资助中国的革命党人。

鸠山威一郎:1976年担任福田赳夫内阁外相,具体负责与中国就缔结《中日和平友好条约》进行谈判,1974年就任日本友爱青年协会会长,1981年促成中日双方开展研修生合作项目,1982年率队到北京参加中日邦交正常化十周年庆祝活动,1984年组织日本青年参加“三千日本青年访华”活动。

鸠山由纪夫:任日中友好协会副会长,他的弟弟鸠山邦夫现任“日中友好议员联盟”理事。他积极支持反省日本的战争罪行,曾提议将日本武装力量交给国际机构指挥,并且明确表示不会参拜靖国神社,还多次明确反对党内外的“中国威胁论”。巧合的是,他的夫人鸠山幸1943年生于上海,也算与中国结缘。

值得一提的是,在2000年在中国人民大学发表演说时,鸠山由纪夫表达过中国青年的期待。他说自己曾指导过多名中国留学生,“我当时就感到中国学生身上带着很强的使命感,他们比大多数日本青年更优秀”。


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