文章 » 社会

阿兰·巴迪乌:谈突尼斯、暴乱和革命--“改变世界”的意义

巴迪乌2011年1月19日讲座 “‘改变世界’意味着什么”记录稿,他借用列宁1917语称突尼斯为“最薄弱的环节”,以布莱希特《母亲》的结尾结束演讲。

 Alain Badiou on Tunisia, riots and revolution

In Revolt, The Politics of Politics on February 7, 2011 at 5:10 am
N.B. This is a rough translation of Daniel Fischer’s transcription of the 19 January 2011 session of Alain Badiou’s seminar What does “change the world” mean?. It is not something Badiou has written out. Nevertheless, it gets across his, apparently, impromptu comments on Tunisia, riots and revolution. It appears that Badiou correctly places the riot at the gateway of revolution and, in calling Tunisia “the weakest link” (Lenin re. Russia 1917), correctly notes the beginning of massive change in the Middle East. Daniel Fischer’s excellent notes are great resource on Badiou’s developing thought.
[Updated 3 Feb. Have made a few corrections to translation. And spell-checked!]
***
Today I’ll talk to you about the riots in Tunisia. We won’t leave the subject of this year’s seminar — What does “change the world” mean? –  an expression whose ambiguous character I’ve already described to you.
If by “riots” we mean the street actions of people who want to overthrow the government by means of varying levels of violence, we must at once emphasise what makes these Tunisian riots rare: they have been victorious. A regime was in place which for 23 years seemed securely in place and here it is overturned by a popular action which, ipso facto, retroactively shows that it was the “the weakest link”. Why should we analyse this phenomenon, when we could just let ourselves rejoice? A vague uneasiness makes itself felt in the requisitely contented character, let’s call it a consensual character, that must be displayed in spite of the inherent illegality of the events concerned. Today it isn’t easy to declare: “I love Ben Ali, I’m truly heartbroken that he must leave power.” When one says that, one finds oneself in a very bad position. The reason we must pay tribute to minister Alliot-Marie, who publicly regretted her delay in putting the “know-how” of the French police force at the service of Ben Ali, is that she expressed aloud what her political colleagues only whispered. Next to her, Sarkozy is a hypocrite and a coward. Just as everyone, Right and Left, who, in only a few weeks, were congratulating themselves on having  Ben Ali as a solid bulwark against Islamism and an excellent pupil of the West, are today forced, because of a consensus of opinion, to pretend to rejoice in his departure, tail between legs.
Once again: a government overthrown by popular violence (and in particular by the young, who spearheaded it) is a rare event for which you must go back thirty years if you want to find a comparable precedent, namely to the Iranian Revolution (1979). Thirty years during which the dominant conviction was that such events were no longer really possible. The thesis of  “the end of history” made this claim. That thesis obviously didn’t mean that nothing more would happen: “the end of history” meant “the end of events in history [l'événementialité historique]“, the end of a moment where the organisation of power could be overthrown in favour of, as Trotsky said, “the masses entering on the stage of history”. The normal course of things was the alliance of the market economy and parliamentary democracy, an alliance that was the only tenable norm of the general subjectivity. Such is the meaning of the term “globalisation”: this subjectivity became global subjectivity. Furthermore, this wasn’t incompatible with punitive wars (Iraq, Afghanistan), civil wars (in dysfunctional African states), repression of the Palestinian Intifada, &c. So what is fascinating above all else in the Tunisian events is their historicity, they demonstrate that the capacity to create new forms of collective organisation is intact.
The ensemble formed by the market economy and parliamentary democracy, an ensemble given as an insuperable norm, I propose to name: “the West” – and this is what it calls itself. Among the other names in circulation, we note “international community”, “civilisation” (where it is opposed to, as its right, the diverse forms of barbarism, cf. the expression “clash of civilisations”), “Western powers” … Remember that more  than thirty years ago the only group who claimed this name — “Occident” — as their standard was a small group of



Xoops 苏ICP备10024138 | © 06-12 人文与社会