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出口导向，成绩很大，问题很多，向内需转型，迫在眉睫。

新媒体相对什么媒体而言？相对传统媒体而言？相对老媒体而言？新媒体在艺术上又侧重指的是什么？当然大家更关心新媒体在当今世界上的发展特征是什么？

国货展览会属于博览会之一种。自1866年清政府受到法国巴黎万国博览会邀请并晓谕商民参加始，自1873年清政府派员参加奥地利维也纳博览会始，中国就与博览会结下了不解之缘，此后，中国既受邀参加了一些外国博览会，也举办了内国赛会， 民国建立后，随着国货运动的勃兴，国货展览会也日渐兴盛，并占据了博览会的主流。

改革带来了改善和转型，但改革是一种渐变和协调的结果，而转型是一个更广泛的概念，有时候还会代表暴力或者革命。改革是从上到下在国家层面上进行的，但转型可能有更多的参与者。

2007年一月26日，今年全国第一场沙尘暴在四大沙尘暴策源地之一的甘肃省民勤县发生。甘肃省武威市民勤县位于腾格里沙漠和巴丹吉林沙漠的交接地带，该地区荒漠化面积已占土地面积的94％，荒漠边缘以每年3至4米的速度向绿洲推进。据武威市气象局数据显示，2006年民勤县共出现沙尘暴14次，比常年偏少12次，这个数字看来似乎还算体面，但却没有说明次数降低的沙尘暴实际的超强度。而据民勤治沙站资料，2001－2006年，尚未治理的风沙口流沙向绿洲前又移动了15－40米。

2007年5月，六卷本《读书精选》出版不久，我们试图联络《读书》的两位主编，请他们回顾《读书》杂志十余年来的成绩、不足和持续不断的争议，但因汪晖先生出国，采访被搁置。等我们重新拾起这个计划，却出乎意料地赶上了一场热闹———上周，北京某报刊发了“《读书》杂志酝酿换帅”的“传言”，激起了围绕《读书》的又一轮争议和对峙。　　

在这次采访中，汪晖先生既对我们原来的采访计划做出了回应，也谈及了《读书》的发行量、读者群以及“换帅”等问题。他希望人们能够珍视《读书》的思想空间，理解它的存在价值，参与讨论它关注的问题，而不是总拿一些陈旧的说辞，针对一本作为载体的刊物炒来炒去。　　

遗憾的是，因黄平先生不在北京，我们同时采访《读书》两位主编的愿望终究没能实现。

学形态，是法学理论研究中一个重要的问题，它关系到我们对中国古代到底有没有法学这个有着重大分歧的问题的基本看法。

湖南农村青年生活状态调查。

不少小的拍卖公司收集了大量玩价格玩得比较高的画家的应景之作，印成精美的图录，标上低得离谱的价格，直接寄发给画家及其相应的经纪人或画廊，用意非常明显，快来托吧，不然成交价格让你们很难看!

这篇文章列举了21世纪中国互联网发展中的一些大事。

“7月16日晚，在“鸟巢”举行奥运开幕式预演。虽然，理所当然地，只有等到正式开幕，人们才能够观赏到这些景象，但从中央电视台传来了好消息——将充满中国的文化元素。

同样是中央电视台，这几天还忙着另外一椿事：连续表彰几位与奥运有关的几座著名建筑的著名外国建筑师，包括声称要把中国文化传统“逼到危机的边缘”的那位（可以与这句名言并美的还有一位，她一到中国就说“难道周围都是狗屎，我也要与它协调？”）。以及另外两位，坚持他们设计的每平方米耗钢量高达500kg的场馆与每平方米耗钢量只有30kg的悉尼奥运场馆是“完全不具有可比性的两回事”，只有耗资超出任务书规定的14倍、最后导致工党政府下台的悉尼歌剧院才配得上与之媲美。而这座场馆，巨大无比密密麻麻的钢架承载的却只是厚仅0.2毫米的薄膜！”

　从20世纪初到40年代，人物画历经了一次巨大的历史阵痛后，获得新生。在写实主义、现代主义的助产下，人物画大体完成了向现代形态的转型。在这里，我们看到了一种新的语言方式，一种新的审美理想，感受到从传统中蜕变而出的欣悦和狂喜之情，更能隐隐聆听到由不同形象构成的历史所发出的呻吟和呐喊。

安装某些软件时必须小心谨慎，如果忽略了某个预设为同意的选项，就有可能把美其名曰“插件”的流氓软件请进了家门。流氓软件为什么这么泛滥呢？8月21日下午14时，胡钢就流氓软件泛滥，封杀与反封杀之间的较量等话题，用法律的视角进行解读。

Masses of information from the media constantly bombard us. Yet paradoxically often what is most significant goes unreported. Take for instance Tony Blair's recent visit to Africa. Suddenly countries such as Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Ghana come under the spotlight. But one country which forever remains off the UK/US media map is Chad, lying just to the south of Libya and "over three times the size of California", according to the CIA's official website.  Formerly part of French Equatorial Africa, it gained independence in 1960 and since then has been gripped by civil war. In a rare case of coverage, on May 21 1992, the Guardian carried four short paragraphs: 40,000 people were estimated to have died in detention or been executed during the tyranny of Chadian president Hissene Habre (1982-1990). A report of the justice ministry committee concluded that Habre had committed genocide against the Chadian people.  Unreported in Britain, two years ago, in a case inspired by the one against General Pinochet of Chile, several human rights organisations, led by Human Rights Watch, filed a suit against Habre in Senegal (his refuge since 1990) arguing that he could be tried anywhere for crimes against humanity and that former heads of state were not immune.  However, on 20 March 2001, the Senegal Court of Cassation threw out the case. Human rights groups are now aiming to secure an arrest warrant and extradition request from Belgium (where one of the victims of Habre's torture now lives) and put him on trial there.  So behind the wall of silence, what precisely has been going on in Chad? In fact, the US and UK have been conducting over the last three decades a massive, secret war against Libya - often using Chad as its base. UK involvement in a 1996 plot to assassinate the Libya leader, President Col Mu'ammar Gadafi, as currently alleged by the maverick M15 officer David Shayler, has been reported as an isolated event. Yet the 1996 plot is best seen as part of a wide-ranging and long-standing strategy by the US/UK secret states to dislodge Gadafi.  Seizing power in Libya by ousting King Idris in a 1969 coup, Gadafi (who intriguingly had undertaken a military training course in England in 1966) quickly became the target of massive covert operations by the French, US, Israeli and British. Stephen Dorril, in his recently published book on MI6, records how in 1971 a British plan to invade the country, release political prisoners and restore the monarchy ended in a complete flop. In 1980, the head of the French secret service, Col Alain de Gaigneronde de Marolles, resigned after a French-led plan ended in disaster when a rebellion by Libyan troops in Tobruk was rapidly suppressed.  Then in 1982, away from the glare of the media, Hissene Habre, with the backing of the CIA and French troops, overthrew the Chadian government of Goukouni Wedeye. Human Rights Watch records: "Under President Reagan, the United States gave covert CIA paramilitary support to help install Habre in order, according to secretary of state Alexander Haig, to 'bloody Gadafi's nose'." Bob Woodward, in his semi-official history of the CIA reveals that the Chad covert operation was the first undertaken by the new CIA chief William Casey and that throughout the decade Libya ranked almost as high as the Soviet Union as the "bÍte noir" of the administration.  A recent report from Amnesty, Chad: The Habre Legacy, records massive military and financial support for Habre by the US Congress. It adds: "None of the documents presented to Congress and consulted by Amnesty International covering the period 1984 to 1989 make any reference to human rights violations."  US official records indicate that funding for the Chad-based secret war against Libya also came from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, Israel and Iraq. The Saudis, for instance, donated $7m to an opposition group, the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (also backed by French intelligence and the CIA). But a plan to assassinate Gadafi and take over the government on 8 May 1984 was crushed. In the following year, the US asked Egypt to invade Libya and overthrow Gadafi but President Mubarak refused. By the end of 1985, the Washington Post had exposed the plan after congressional leaders opposing it wrote in protest to President Reagan.  Frustrated in their covert attempt to topple Gadafi, the US government's strategy suddenly shifted. For 11 minutes in the early morning of 14 April 1986, 30 US Air Force and Navy bombers struck Tripoli and Benghazi in a raid code-named El Dorado Canyon.  Backing Reagan came the ecstatic response of the major media in both the US and UK. Yet the main purpose of the raid was to kill the Libyan president. Middle East specialist David Yallop reported: "Nine of 18 F111s that left from the UK were specifically briefed to bomb Gadafi's residence inside the barracks where he was living with his family." In the event, the first bomb to drop on Tripoli hit Gadafi's home. Hana, his adopted daughter aged 15 months, was killed while his eight other children and wife Safiya were all hospitalised, some with serious injuries. The president escaped.  Following the April 1986 attack, reports of US military action against Libya disappeared from the media. But away from the media glare, the CIA launched by far its most extensive effort yet to spark an anti-Gadafi coup. A secret army was recruited from among the many Libyans captured in border battles with Chad during the 1980s. And, as concern grew in MI6 over Gadafi's alleged plans to develop chemical weapons, Britain funded various opposition groups in Libya including the London-based Libyan National Movement.  Then in 1990, with the crisis in the Gulf developing, French troops helped oust Habre and install Idriss Deby as the new president in a secret operation. The French government had tired of Habre's genocidal policies while the Bush administration decided not to frustrate France's objectives in exchange for their co-operation in the war against Iraq. Yet even under Deby the abuses of civil rights by government forces have continued.  David Shaylerís original allegations over the anti-Gadafi assassination plot were vigorously denied by the government. But within the broad historical context outlined here, they do, indeed, make sense.  Dr Richard Keeble is director of undergraduate studies at City University's department of journalism and the author of Secret State, Silent Press (John Libbey) and Ethics for Journalists (Routledge)  http://www.medialens.org/articles/the ... s_2002/rk_secret_war.html

美元霸权是有史以来最复杂的金融体制。在人类金融事务中，首次出现了一国不兑现纸币，通过浮动汇率和自由兑换强加的货币霸权，全球化的金融市场使这种货币霸权的形成成为可能。在美元霸权的作用下，全球资本主义成为世界各经济体臣服于美国经济的工具；世界贸易现在是一种“美国发行美元纸币，世界上其他国家生产美元纸币可以购买的产品”的游戏。美元霸权使美国金融霸权成为可能，从而使美国例外主义和单边主义成为可能。

为了方便谈我的主题，我大概概括了五个环节或者说五个主题。第一个主题是身体政治，第二个主题是空间，第三个是身体和空间如何变成了一个制度化的运作过程的问题，第四个问题是关系社会栋梁与国家的关系问题，第五个是关于政治意识形态和地方传统怎么样转变的问题。我想把对这五点的思考向大家作一个非常简单的勾勒。

Obama demonstrates that [glamor's] magic still exists. What a glamorous candidate he was-less a person than a persona, an idealized, self-contained figure onto whom audiences projected their own dreams, a Garbo-like "impassive receptacle of passionate hopes and impossible expectations," in the words of Time's Joe Klein.

国务院国有资产监督管理委员会2009年2月12日发布《国务院国资委国有资产监督管理信息公开实施办法》，该办法共有30条，规定了公开的范围等，自公布之日施行。根据该办法，个人和单位可向国资委申请获取国资监管信息。

我认为，当代艺术的重大问题是怎样才能避免做一个浪漫主义者。更准确地说，问题是怎么样才能避免做一个形式主义的浪漫主义者。