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台灣的民主反對運動必須得要重新清理過去的歷史，在這個過程中得有主體性的去面對日本殖民主義對台灣長遠的傷害，以及美國對於兩蔣威權體制的支持過程中對於台灣民主造成的迫害及長遠的影響，而不只是切掉歷史重要的構成，透過簡單的反中來自我正當化；這也就是要把歷史中台灣主體構成的他者多元化。

当前大部分关于地缘政治的讨论，均设想我们只能在单边主义和多边主义这两种维持全球秩序的策略之间作出抉择。

著名语言学家，政治评论家乔姆斯基09年1月24日在个人网站发表文章“奥巴马论以色列-巴勒斯坦”，《信报》专栏作家做了概述。作为犹太后裔，乔姆斯基的文章批评了奥巴马不谈以色列对加沙的侵略，坚持与以色列联盟的政策。

中国古典思想语境中政治的本性是一切存在者的“各正性命”，它意味着，一方面，“天下有道”，存在者皆有路可走；另一方面，人们皆有家可以安居。

在西方宪政民主中获得胜选的政治领袖，也经常说自己是代表全体人民主政（虽然投票给他的选民只占总投票额的一部分）。表面上看，英、美与西欧的民主领袖也有民粹主义的倾向。然而，台湾的情况与西方的情况是很不同的。以炒作求取胜选的议题（如台独意识等）为手段而获得权力的台湾民粹主义的政治领袖口中的「人民」，正如王振寰、钱永祥所分析的，「指的却已经不是传统民主理论所设想的积极参与的公民，而是消极被动的、由统治者赋予集体身份的、功能在於表达认可（acclamation）的正当性来源。这种人民在组织上是由上向下动员而来，在身份上则是透过国族的召唤而成；它缺乏社会性的分化、缺乏体制性的意志形成过程、也没有机会参与政治议题的决定」

“马里是美国和欧盟良治和民主的典范。这个模范称号为马里带来了可观的外援收益。尽管如此，那些白送的美元和欧元仍然没有改变马里贫困的现状。马里从殖民地走向独立，从“独裁”走向“民主”，再成为非洲民主和良政的典范，但是始终没有摘掉非洲最贫困国家的帽子。马里的首都巴马科，无论是建筑还是交通工具，根本没有办法和苏丹的首都喀土穆相比较。”

在这次美国总统竞选期间，从巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)或约翰•麦凯恩(John McCain)口中，我们从未听到这样的说法：美国下届政府的外交政策将是巧妙处理全球权力平衡的不利变迁以及美国影响力严重减弱的问题。这些问题不是一种假设，而是我们已经无法回避的问题。

如何理解古代的规矩与今天的规矩之间差异? 人类学家似更愿意发现完全不同于今天的“原始规矩”。可是,这种“原始的规矩”若没有与我们的时代联系起来,那就失去了它的当代性了。那么,怎样使人类学获得这样的联系纽带? 笔者要讨论的,实际就是这个问题。

中國一些智庫長期以來迷信西方尤其美國，其對美國金融形勢作出判斷所依据的信息資料，几乎完全來自美國，而美國在這個問題上則報喜不報憂，中國智庫的判斷怎么可能准确呢？外資「入侵」中國智庫的同時，也乘机將國外的評价標准和价值立場引了進來。最突出的例子是，中國社科研究机构和大學研究机构的學術評价机制和激勵考核机制，几乎全面追求西方体系。

中国航母首次试航引发了周边国家和美国的高度关注。如何在壮大海军实力与稳定周边之间寻求平衡，如何化解发展海权给美国亚太优势造成的冲击，是中国海洋战略必须破解的难题。

It is very disturbing to find telegrams signed off by Hillary Clinton which seem to suggest that regular American diplomats are being asked to do stuff you would normally expect of low-level spooks – such as grubbing around for top UN officials' credit card and biometric details.

Masses of information from the media constantly bombard us. Yet paradoxically often what is most significant goes unreported. Take for instance Tony Blair's recent visit to Africa. Suddenly countries such as Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Ghana come under the spotlight. But one country which forever remains off the UK/US media map is Chad, lying just to the south of Libya and "over three times the size of California", according to the CIA's official website.  Formerly part of French Equatorial Africa, it gained independence in 1960 and since then has been gripped by civil war. In a rare case of coverage, on May 21 1992, the Guardian carried four short paragraphs: 40,000 people were estimated to have died in detention or been executed during the tyranny of Chadian president Hissene Habre (1982-1990). A report of the justice ministry committee concluded that Habre had committed genocide against the Chadian people.  Unreported in Britain, two years ago, in a case inspired by the one against General Pinochet of Chile, several human rights organisations, led by Human Rights Watch, filed a suit against Habre in Senegal (his refuge since 1990) arguing that he could be tried anywhere for crimes against humanity and that former heads of state were not immune.  However, on 20 March 2001, the Senegal Court of Cassation threw out the case. Human rights groups are now aiming to secure an arrest warrant and extradition request from Belgium (where one of the victims of Habre's torture now lives) and put him on trial there.  So behind the wall of silence, what precisely has been going on in Chad? In fact, the US and UK have been conducting over the last three decades a massive, secret war against Libya - often using Chad as its base. UK involvement in a 1996 plot to assassinate the Libya leader, President Col Mu'ammar Gadafi, as currently alleged by the maverick M15 officer David Shayler, has been reported as an isolated event. Yet the 1996 plot is best seen as part of a wide-ranging and long-standing strategy by the US/UK secret states to dislodge Gadafi.  Seizing power in Libya by ousting King Idris in a 1969 coup, Gadafi (who intriguingly had undertaken a military training course in England in 1966) quickly became the target of massive covert operations by the French, US, Israeli and British. Stephen Dorril, in his recently published book on MI6, records how in 1971 a British plan to invade the country, release political prisoners and restore the monarchy ended in a complete flop. In 1980, the head of the French secret service, Col Alain de Gaigneronde de Marolles, resigned after a French-led plan ended in disaster when a rebellion by Libyan troops in Tobruk was rapidly suppressed.  Then in 1982, away from the glare of the media, Hissene Habre, with the backing of the CIA and French troops, overthrew the Chadian government of Goukouni Wedeye. Human Rights Watch records: "Under President Reagan, the United States gave covert CIA paramilitary support to help install Habre in order, according to secretary of state Alexander Haig, to 'bloody Gadafi's nose'." Bob Woodward, in his semi-official history of the CIA reveals that the Chad covert operation was the first undertaken by the new CIA chief William Casey and that throughout the decade Libya ranked almost as high as the Soviet Union as the "bÍte noir" of the administration.  A recent report from Amnesty, Chad: The Habre Legacy, records massive military and financial support for Habre by the US Congress. It adds: "None of the documents presented to Congress and consulted by Amnesty International covering the period 1984 to 1989 make any reference to human rights violations."  US official records indicate that funding for the Chad-based secret war against Libya also came from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, Israel and Iraq. The Saudis, for instance, donated $7m to an opposition group, the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (also backed by French intelligence and the CIA). But a plan to assassinate Gadafi and take over the government on 8 May 1984 was crushed. In the following year, the US asked Egypt to invade Libya and overthrow Gadafi but President Mubarak refused. By the end of 1985, the Washington Post had exposed the plan after congressional leaders opposing it wrote in protest to President Reagan.  Frustrated in their covert attempt to topple Gadafi, the US government's strategy suddenly shifted. For 11 minutes in the early morning of 14 April 1986, 30 US Air Force and Navy bombers struck Tripoli and Benghazi in a raid code-named El Dorado Canyon.  Backing Reagan came the ecstatic response of the major media in both the US and UK. Yet the main purpose of the raid was to kill the Libyan president. Middle East specialist David Yallop reported: "Nine of 18 F111s that left from the UK were specifically briefed to bomb Gadafi's residence inside the barracks where he was living with his family." In the event, the first bomb to drop on Tripoli hit Gadafi's home. Hana, his adopted daughter aged 15 months, was killed while his eight other children and wife Safiya were all hospitalised, some with serious injuries. The president escaped.  Following the April 1986 attack, reports of US military action against Libya disappeared from the media. But away from the media glare, the CIA launched by far its most extensive effort yet to spark an anti-Gadafi coup. A secret army was recruited from among the many Libyans captured in border battles with Chad during the 1980s. And, as concern grew in MI6 over Gadafi's alleged plans to develop chemical weapons, Britain funded various opposition groups in Libya including the London-based Libyan National Movement.  Then in 1990, with the crisis in the Gulf developing, French troops helped oust Habre and install Idriss Deby as the new president in a secret operation. The French government had tired of Habre's genocidal policies while the Bush administration decided not to frustrate France's objectives in exchange for their co-operation in the war against Iraq. Yet even under Deby the abuses of civil rights by government forces have continued.  David Shaylerís original allegations over the anti-Gadafi assassination plot were vigorously denied by the government. But within the broad historical context outlined here, they do, indeed, make sense.  Dr Richard Keeble is director of undergraduate studies at City University's department of journalism and the author of Secret State, Silent Press (John Libbey) and Ethics for Journalists (Routledge)  http://www.medialens.org/articles/the ... s_2002/rk_secret_war.html